Economic relationship between chile and the united states
The study of the history of US intervention in Chilean politics between 1964 and 1973 has been marked mainly by the covert operations deployed by the CIA between 1964 and 1973 to oppose, in different ways and under different circumstances, the political project of the Marxist left. The main sources for these studies have been the documents of various U.S. agencies declassified since 1999 and the reports of the U.S. Congress on the U.S. intervention in Chile published in the 1970s. This article suggests that the material in the State Department’s documentary collections, especially that which records the day-to-day functioning of the diplomatic activity of political officials at the U.S. Embassy in Santiago, sheds new light on issues of major relevance to Chile’s contemporary political history, forces us to question some of the most widespread interpretations of the nature of relations between the two countries in the period in question, and clearly illustrates the ideological and political motivations that encouraged the work of U.S. diplomatic officials stationed in Chile.
Allies of Chile
After the end of the Civil War of 1891 and the death of President José Manuel Balmaceda, this period is characterized by the existence of a parliamentary political regime. However, the preeminence of Parliament does not mean replacing the political institutionality emanating from the Constitution of 1833, but rather reforming and interpreting it in a parliamentary manner -through the so-called “parliamentary practices”-, limiting and diminishing the power of the Head of State and granting executive powers to the political parties represented in Congress. Among these practices are the powers to call ministers to account in the so-called interpellations, which caused a marked instability of the cabinets, affected by a frequent ministerial rotation, hindering the normal development of the government’s work.
During his presidency, Alessandri tried to implement a series of reforms to parliamentary political institutions and to social and labor legislation in order to respond to citizen demands and prevent a social explosion. However, the oligarchic political class refused to agree to such reforms, which provoked an acute climate of frustration and impotence in the face of the prevailing political regime.
U.S. Influence on Chile in the 20th Century
Recognized as one of the most prosperous and competitive economies in Latin America, with a stable democracy and one of the least corrupt political systems in the region, Chile has become a strategic ally of the United States in the Southern Hemisphere, being one of the few South American nations belonging to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), a membership it shares with the U.S. and Colombia.
Only on August 10, 1827 the Congress granted the pass to Joaquín Campino, appointed minister in Washington by Vice President Francisco A. Pinto, who took Joaquín Pérez as secretary. To pay for this mission it was necessary to ask a merchant for a loan of $18,000, in exchange for exemptions in the export duties of the metals that were shipped through Coquimbo. In order to finance this mission it was necessary to ask a merchant for a loan of $18,000.
Moreover, Chile hosted the second Summit of the Americas in 1998, was the chair of the Rio Group in 2001, hosted the Defense Ministerial of the Americas in 2002, and the APEC summit and related meetings in 2004. In 2005, it hosted the Community of Democracies ministerial conference. The country is an associate member of Mercosur and the Andean Community and a full member of APEC. In addition, Chile has been a full member of the OECD since 2010. Chile has been a major player in international and hemispheric economic free trade issues.
The 1881 Treaty of 1881 between Argentina and Chile is valid to this day, has never been challenged by either country and, despite its shortcomings, has allowed for the peaceful settlement of disputes.
The Beagle conflict centered on the dispute over the sovereignty of the islands and islets entirely located in the so-called “hammer of the award”, a polygon defined in the Arbitration Compromise signed by both countries in 1971, in which the Picton, Nueva, Lennox, Gratil, Augustus, Snipe, Becasses, Gable and other islets are located. It was agreed to submit the resolution of the dispute to the decision of an arbitration court, which was to make its decision known to the government of the United Kingdom, which was the formal arbitrator. On May 2, 1977, the arbitral award granted navigable waters in the Beagle Channel to both countries and most of the islands and the oceanic rights generated by them to Chile.